Introduction
The
objective of this essay is to
explore the main differences and similarities regarding cultural diplomacy and
public diplomacy, two emerging fields of research study, which are
progressively being used in the same context. Public diplomacy can be
seen to have gone through a paradigm shift in the commutation era, while
cultural diplomacy continues to be identified as a section of public diplomacy.
Despite public policy having its diverse origins from the United States,
various nations have also started to pay attention and are trying to use public
diplomacy as a major part of contemporary diplomatic practices in order to
reinforce their soft power. Europe is
one of these countries which are using public diplomacy to capture the minds
and hearts of foreign people. The combination of both soft power and the
current public diplomacy is turning out to be the procedure for how global
programs and cultural exchanges work in recent diplomatic events, thus bringing
a new perception of culture and arts as a way of soft power.
With
the increasing concern for soft power, cultural diplomacy is becoming the
linchpin for public diplomacy in the sense of connectivity in cultural and
economic life globally. Hence, no doubt regarding the useful influence brought
up by cultural diplomacy to European's national image, social cohesion, and
branding, hence, making cultural diplomacy being viewed as a subsection of
public diplomacy by various researchers of public diplomacy (Kim, 2017).
The rationale
of this essay is to try to evaluate what should the United Arab Emirates do to establish itself as an educational hub by
analyzing the main similarities and differences between public policy and
cultural policy. Motivated by numerous academic goals, governments from various
nations are implementing programs and policies aimed to spur
internationalization of higher levels of learning. When successfully leveraged international
education becomes a prime vehicle that contributes to a country’s foreign
policy interests and priorities, containing its soft power profile. For this to
take place, various regional and national government bodies must instigate and
implement these policies. In most nations, the ministry of education and any
other relevant office related to internalization policies are the primary
players. In this case, the establishment of UAE as an educational hub has drawn
special attention to MOFAIC (Ministry of Foreign affairs and
International cooperation), and other concerned ministries, leading to the
formation of various committees that are responsible for assessing the whole
process (Johnson, 2018).[SN1]
[SN1]Please
amend this part in line with the strategic objectives below. They go far beyond
the establishment of the UAE as educational hub. This is only true for half of
the objectives
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